Zamfara Journal of Politics and Development

USAID’S CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS SUSTAINABILIT Y INDEX IN NIGERIA (2009-2022): A TIME SERIES ANALYSIS

Umaru Ibrahim Yakubu, PhD, Hassan, Muritala Babatunde, PhD, Ahmed Mohammed PhD — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This paper analyses time-series data from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded Civil Society Organizations Sustainability Index (CSOSI) for Nigeria, covering 2009 to 2022. The index was launched in select countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including Nigeria, in 2009, and it was implemented for 14 consecutive years until 2022.The authors analyse the key factors that have contributed to the viability of the Nigerian CSO sector, adopting time-series analysis of the CSOSI data for Nigeria, spanning 14 years. The analysis is framed by systems theory; CSOs are viewed as crucial substructures of the political system that perform input functions for the system’s proper functioning. The analysis shows that trends across the seven CSOSI dimensions indicate an evolving CSO sector in Nigeria from 2009 to 2022. The sector evolved in terms of sustainability throughout the 14-year lifespan of the Index, with slight improvements in organizational capacity, service provision, sectoral infrastructure, and public image. Advocacy showed the greatest improvement, rising from a score of 3.9 in 2009 to 2.5 in 2022, making it the only dimension with enhanced sustainability among the seven. However, the dimensions of the legal environment and financial viability did not improve. The analysis thus reveals a mixed picture of successes, challenges, and resilience of the CSO sector in Nigeria amid a paucity of funds, largely due to dwindling donor funding and a struggling local economy. Despite these difficulties, many organizations have shown a high level of resilience in advocating for reforms, providing services, and supporting the less privileged in society.

THE IMPACT OF GREAT POWER RIVALRY ON SECURITY OF MARGINALIZED STATES

Mohammed Salisu Danjuma, Dr. Augustine Ogbaji Ogoh, Dr. Tativ Bem Elijah — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study examines how great power rivalry, particularly among nuclear-armed states, undermines international legal protections for marginalized states. Through comparative case analysis of Ukraine, Iran, Venezuela, Cuba, and Palestine, combined with semi-structured interviews of 25 international law experts, diplomats, and civil society actors, the research identifies systematic juridical asymmetry—the differential application of legal norms based on state power and strategic alignment. Findings reveal that nuclear weapon status functions as an impunity shield: nuclear-armed states violate international humanitarian law more frequently and face consequences less frequently than non-nuclear states. Sovereignty operates as contingent privilege rather than absolute right, with protections depending on alignment with great power interests rather than formal legal status. Three primary exploitation mechanisms emerge: selective treaty enforcement, rhetorical inversion (punishing transparency while rewarding opacity), and ally immunity. Despite these asymmetries, international law provides marginalized states with discursive resources for legitimation and coalition-building, though material protection requires diversification of partnerships rather than exclusive alignment. The study concludes that institutional paralysis within the UN Security Council, ICC, and IAEA enables continued violations, and recommends Security Council reform, expanded IAEA mandates, automatic accountability mechanisms, and renewed multilateral arms control negotiations involving all nine nuclear-armed states.

INSECURITY IN NORTHWEST NIGERIA: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT OF THE ROLE OF HAUSA–FULANI INTER-GROUP RELATIONS

Sanusi Sama’ila Moyi , Prof. D. O. Alabi, Prof. B. E. Bature — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Northwest Nigeria has, since 2011, experienced escalating banditry, kidnapping for ransom, cattle rustling, and communal violence. A prominent narrative advanced by some political and community leaders attributes this violence to historical oppression and provocation of the Fulani ethnic group by the Hausa majority. This article critically assesses the role of Hausa–Fulani intergroup relations in shaping insecurity in the region, drawing on a detailed rejoinder document that challenges the “oppression thesis.” Usingqualitative analysis based on interviews, government reports, media investigations, and secondary literature, the study finds that while resource competition and governance failures exist; the claim that Hausas systematically oppressed Fulanis lacks historical and empirical grounding. Instead, banditry is driven by a complex interplay of environmental degradation, youth unemployment, breakdown of traditional conflict resolution, criminal opportunism, and weak state institutions. The article applies relative deprivation theory, frustration‑aggression theory, and structural violence theory to explain how perceived grievances, real or manufactured, have been weaponized by criminal networks. The findings indicate that the Hausa–Fulani relationship is historically characterized by integration, intermarriage, and Fulani political dominance, not Hausa oppression. Policy implications include the need for accountable governance, revitalization of traditional institutions, evidence‑based counter‑narratives, disarmament, and modernization of vigilante groups.

THE CHALLENGES OF CURBING BANDITRY IN KATSINA AND ZAMFARA STATES

BALA ADAMU — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study examined the challenges of curbing banditry in Katsina and Zamfara States in Dutsin-Ma, Musawa, and Faskari LGAs of Katsina State and Bungudu, Maradun and KauranNamoda LGAs in Zamfara State from 2015 to 2023. Employing the social structural conflict theory as it theoretical framework, the study explains the structural weaknesses facilitating it persistence. The finding revealed that underfunding, logistical constraints, mistrust between public and security agents, lack of sophisticated weapons, activities of undercover agents (informants), inaccessible terrain, among others were the major challenges undermining war on banditry, both in Katsina and Zamfara States. However, the study recommended strengthening community-based intelligent networks, enhancing inter-agency coordination and information sharing.

AN ASSESSMENT OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS OF INSECURITY ON INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN CHIKUN AND KAJURU LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS OF KADUNA STATE: 2020 – 2024

Bagudu Sheyin Enoch, Dr. Yakubu Haruna Ja’e, Dr. Sani, Sani Ibrahim — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study assessed the socio-economic effects of insecurity on Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Chikun and Kajuru Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Kaduna State between 2020 and 2024. Theoretically, the study was anchored on relative deprivation theory (RDT), which emphasizes the multi-dimensional nature of threats to human dignity and survival. A Mixed-Method Research (MMR) design, specifically the Explanatory Sequential Design, was adopted. The study population comprised 39,758 IDPs, from which a sample of 400 was drawn using the Taro Yamane formula for quantitative surveys, while 21 key informants were purposively selected for in-depth interviews. Data were collected using structured questionnaires, interview guides, and observation, and analyzed through simple percentages for quantitative data and thematic analysis for qualitative narratives. Findings revealed a collapse of rural livelihoods, with over 95% of respondents losing access to their farmlands and transitioning from agricultural producers to unskilled menial laborers. The study documented a state of "service invisibility," with 51% of displaced children out of school and 88% of families unable to afford healthcare in their host communities. Furthermore, the results indicated that while shared ethnicity initially fostered hospitality, prolonged economic scarcity has triggered and social friction. The study concluded that displacement has resulted in structural de-skilling and long-term economic marginalization. It recommended the establishment of "Secure Agricultural Recovery Zones" to enable safe return to farming, the implementation of a "Social Shield" digital registry to provide health and education waivers for integrated IDPs, and the provision of zero-interest micro-credit schemes to break the cycle of debt.

REFLECTION ON POLITICS AND TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN NIGERIA: THE ROLE OF SULTAN SA'AD ABUBAKAR III IN NIGERIA'S PEACE PROCESS (2006-2026)

Ridwan Abubakar Sarkin Baki, Hassan Usman Dingyadi — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Since his emergence as the 20^th Sultan of Sokoto, Sultan Sa’adAbubakar III has been an advocate of promoting Nigeria’s peace process particularly through Nigeria Inter-religious Council and the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs. The strategies employed by the Sultan helps in the promotion of peace especially in the Northern Nigeria because his subjects see him as a permanent pillar of their existence despite some challenges he encounters in this regard. These challenges include lack of constitutional role to play in managing problems such as hate speeches, taking laws at hand, fall out of international crises, religious crisis, and political crisis because of outcome of elections. The study also highlighted external forces that resulted in the usurpation of traditional institutions powers, especially the British colonial onslaught. Qualitative methodology was chosen because it provides an enabling environment for an adequate interaction between the researcher and the key informants. There have been several studies on the role of traditional Institutions in the promotion of Nigeria’s peace process. This study, however, focuses on bridging the gaps of the previous studies with emphasis on the 20^th Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Muhammad Sa’adAbubakar III who deserves to be provided with constitutional roles to play with a view to enhancing the promotion of Nigeria’s peace process.

AGRICULTURAL INVESTMENT TECHNOLOGY PROGRAMMES AND FOOD INSECURITY AMONG SMALL HOLDER’S FARMERS IN NIGER STATE

Amuda Akeem Ajibade — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Agricultural technology investment programmes are increasingly promoted as policy instruments for improving productivity, strengthening rural livelihoods, and reducing household food insecurity among smallholder farmers. However, the extent to which such programmes translate into measurable food security outcomes remains uncertain, particularly in state-level agricultural contexts. This study examined Agricultural Technology Investment Programmes and household food insecurity among smallholder farmers in Niger State, Nigeria. Anchored on the theory of change, the study adopted a mixed-methods descriptive approach. Quantitative data were collected from 474 smallholder farmers across six selected Local Government Areas using likert scale questionnaires, while qualitative data were obtained through key informant interviews with six stakeholders in Niger State Ministry of Agriculture, senior officials of Farmers Association of Nigeria, Niger State chapter and Fadama Association; and one Focus Group Discussion with agricultural extension workers. Descriptive statistics, stacked bar charts, and independent samples t-test were used to analyse the quantitative data, while qualitative data were analysed thematically using Braun and Clarke's six-phase procedure. The findings showed that ATIPs contributed to household food security-related outcomes through improved access to farm inputs, increased productivity, storage support, market linkage, income improvement, and enhanced coping capacity. However, the independent samples t-test did not establish a statistically significant difference in household food insecurity between ATIP beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries at the 0.05 level of significance. Qualitative evidence nevertheless indicated that beneficiaries were better positioned in terms of technology access, extension contact, storage capacity, dietary diversity, and resilience during lean seasons. The study concludes that ATIPs have positive but limited effects on household food insecurity in Niger State, as their expected final impact has not fully translated into statistically measurable differences between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries. Therefore, this studyrecommends stronger implementation, timely input delivery, wider beneficiary coverage, improved storage and market support, and targeted inclusion of vulnerable smallholder farmers to enhance the food security impact of agricultural technology investments.

NIGERIA’S ELECTORAL POLICY AND IMPACT IN DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY: THE SOCIAL CONTRACT PERSPECTIVE

Danjuma Yahuza Izom (PhD) — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study examines Nigeria's electoral policy and its roles in sustaining democratic governance from the perspective of social contract theory. The theory emphasizes that government legitimacy is derived from the consent of the people, expressed primarily through credible and participatory elections. The study explores how electoral policies influence democratic sustainability in Nigeria and identifies challenges affecting their implementation. Using a qualitative approach and secondary sources of data, the study finds that while electoral reforms have improved the electoral process, challenges such as electoral malpractice, vote buying, political interference, and voter apathy continue to undermine democratic development and sustainability. Content analysis and logical inference was the tool used for analyzing this study. The study concludes that effective electoral policies are essential for strengthening public trust, political participation, and democratic stability. It recommends the strengthening of electoral institutions, strict enforcement of electoral laws, and continuous electoral reforms to enhance democratic sustainability in Nigeria.

DISCOURSE ON THE PURSUITS OF NATIONAL INTEREST: A REGIMES ANALYSIS OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY- (2019-2026)

MUHAMMAD AYUBA, ASMA’U LIMAM — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

For over six decades, Nigeria’s foreign policy has been defined by its Afrocentric posture, regional leadership ambitions, and the constant struggle to translate diplomatic influence into tangible domestic benefits. This paper examines the critical period from 2019 to 2026, spanning the second term of President MuhammaduBuhari and the first term of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Using a qualitative, descriptive research design anchored in realist theory, the study analyses how Nigeria’s national interest particularly security, economic development, and regional leadership was pursued through foreign policy instruments. The findings reveal a notable evolution, from a predominantly security-driven, reactive posture under Buhari to the more proactive, economically focused “4Ds Doctrines” Demography, Development, Diaspora, and Democracy under Tinubu. However, persistent domestic insecurities, institutional weaknesses, and regional fragmentation notably the formation of the Alliance of Sahel State significantly constrained outcomes. While Nigeria enhanced its global visibility securing BRICS partner status and AU Peace and Security Council chairmanship, the direct benefits to Nigerian citizens remained uneven. The paper concludes that for foreign policy to truly serve national interest, Nigeria must resolve foundational domestic challenges and institutionalise policy framework for coherence beyond electoral cycles.

COUNTER-TERRORISM LEGISLATION AND INSECURITY REDUCTION IN BORNO STATE: AN ASSESSMENT OF NIGERIA'S TERRORISM (PREVENTION AND PROHIBITION) ACT, 2022

USMAN Umaru, JAMO Idris Ahmed , LABARAN Fatima — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This article evaluates the effectiveness of Nigeria’s Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act (TPPA) 2022 in addressing insecurity in Borno State, the epicentre of Boko Haram and ISWAP insurgencies. Using a concurrent mixed-methods design (408 survey respondents; 12 Key Informant Interviews), multiple regression revealed that deradicalisation and reintegration most strongly reduced insecurity (β = −0.852), followed by international collaboration (β = −0.141) and community engagement (β = −0.063), explaining 80.4% of the variance. While the TPPA provides a comprehensive legal framework, critical implementation deficits — institutional corruption, over-reliance on kinetic operations, limited deradicalisation resources, divergent MNJTF interests, and community distrust — undermine its effectiveness. The study recommends strengthening accountability, embedding deradicalisation in transitional justice frameworks, expanding international cooperation beyond military operations, and integrating socio-economic development as a core security strategy.

THE REPENTANT BOKO-HARAM–MILITARY NEXUS: A RISKY PEACE-THROUGH-CO-OPTATION STRATEGY

Hassan, Monday Zitta, Kim Luka Dung, Helen Pam Yop — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The Boko Haram insurgency has remained one of the most persistent security challenges confronting Nigeria since 2009, resulting in widespread violence, humanitarian crisis and regional instability across Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger Republic. While early counterinsurgency responses focused primarily on military force, the Nigerian government has increasingly adopted non-kinetic strategies aimed at encouraging defections and facilitating the rehabilitation of former insurgents. Central among these initiatives is Operation Safe Corridor (OSC), a deradicalisation, rehabilitation, and reintegration programme designed for repentant Boko Haram fighters. Although the programme is intended to weaken insurgent networks and promote peace, it has generated controversy over its security implications and legitimacy. This study examines the emerging nexus between repentant Boko Haram members and the Nigerian military institutions within the broader framework of peace-through-co-optation. Drawing on secondary literature, policy reports, and scholarly analyses, the study evaluates whether this strategy contributes to sustainable peace or introduces new risks. The findings suggest that while the programme has facilitated defections and reduced insurgent manpower, it raises serious concerns regarding community distrust, security vulnerabilities, and the erosion of justice for victims. The article concludes that peace-through-co-optation remains a fragile and potentially risky strategy unless accompanied by robust monitoring, vetting, accountability mechanisms, community reconciliation, and institutional transparency.

LEADERSHIP SUPPORT, SUPERVISORY CULTURE, AND THE CHALLENGES OF INSTITUTIONALISING HYBRID WORK IN NIGERIA'S PUBLIC SERVICE: A STUDY OF THE NATIONAL INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY DEVELOPMENT AGENCY (NITDA)

Njoku Hyacinth Tochukwu, PhD, Ede Hyacinth Sunday, PhD, Ese Elizabeth Ohioze — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The adoption of remote and hybrid work has accelerated across public sector organisations since the COVID-19 pandemic, presenting new opportunities and challenges for digital governance and public service delivery. However, the formal adoption of hybrid work policies does not necessarily translate into their effective institutionalisation. This study examined the role of leadership support, supervisory culture, policy communication, and institutional barriers in shaping the institutionalisation of hybrid work at the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA), Nigeria. Anchored in institutional theory, the study employed a quantitative cross-sectional survey design. Data were collected from a purposively selected stratified sample of 173 employees at the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) headquarters in Abuja using a structured questionnaire and analysed using descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. The findings indicate that leadership support for hybrid work is generally strong, with leadership modelling recording the highest mean score (x̄ = 4.02), while policy awareness was also relatively high (x̄ = 3.89). Nevertheless, presence-oriented supervision remains evident (reverse-coded x̄ = 2.82), indicating that traditional supervisory practices continue to influence the implementation of hybrid work. Directors, who occupy a pivotal role in translating policy into operational practice, recorded the lowest policy confidence score (x̄ = 3.62), compared with middle management (x̄ = 3.98) and junior staff (x̄ = 4.01), suggesting communication and implementation gaps at the departmental level. The study further identified presence bias, managerial distrust, digital literacy gaps, inconsistent leadership communication, inadequate infrastructure, and the absence of detailed operational guidelines as the principal barriers to effective hybrid work implementation. Although employees generally perceive hybrid work as sustainable, differences in digital readiness between junior and longer-serving staff highlight the need for continuous capacity development. The study concludes that hybrid work at NITDA has achieved formal organisational legitimacy but remains only partially institutionalised because deeply embedded supervisory norms and organisational practices continue to constrain its full implementation. The study recommends the development of a comprehensive hybrid work operational framework, strengthened leadership communication, results-based performance management, continuous digital capacity-building, and targeted supervisory training to support the long-term institutionalisation of hybrid work within Nigeria's public service.

ASSESSING THE IMPACT OF INSECURITY ON RURAL MARKETS IN KACHIA LOCAL GOVERNMENT, KADUNA STATE

David Donald , Benjamin Sheyin Lazarus — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Nigeria’s security is facing torrent of threats from terrorism, banditry, farmer-header crisis, targetted killings, secessionist activities and piracy on the high sea. Kaduna State, like most states in the north, have increasingly become epicenter of threats, especially bandit related activities like kidnapping, cattle rustling and raids. In places like Kachia Local Government Area (LGA), these threats have assumed destructive dimension as rural economy, especially agricultural activities, small and medium enterprise, and market structures have been significantly affected. This study assesses the impact of banditry on rural markets in Kachia LGA, focusing on how it affects market activities. A multi-stage sampling technique was used to select five wards from the LGA, with 210 questionnaires distributed to local traders, farmers, and market participants. Data were analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistics to determine the relationship between banditry and market performance. The study rejects the null hypotheses (H₀) and accepts the alternative hypotheses (H₁) with the following p-values for hypotheses 1 and 2, respectively: (p = 0.002, p = 0.005). These hypotheses state that there is a significant relationship between banditry and market disruption in Kachia LGA. The findings reveal that insecurity has led to decreased market transactions, higher prices, reduced availability of goods, and limited access to food. In conclusion, the study recommends that the government prioritize improving security in rural areas, particularly around rural markets, and implement policies to support market resilience. It also suggests that local authorities provide stronger security frameworks and encourage community cooperation to mitigate the impacts of insecurity on rural economies in Kachia LGA.

COP30 AND SUBNATIONAL CLIMATE ACTION: EVALUATING A GOVERNANCE INTERVENTIONS ON DROUGHT-AFFECTED FARMING COMMUNITIES IN KATSINA STATE

Umar SANI, Bashir YAHAYA — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The healthiness and stability of nation and subnational can be seen in the farming contribution to its Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This study evaluates governance interventions on drought-affected farming communities in Katsina State in response to COP30 decisions and subnational climate action. The objectives is to evaluate climate governance interventions adopted by subnational authorities in response to COP decisions, and to identify challenges constraiing the effectiveness of subnational climate actions in improving drought-resilience among farming communities in the state. This study is anchored on environmental justice theory, because this theory focuses on equitable access to environmental benefits and protection from environmental harm. Krejcie and Morgan’s table were used to select 297 drought-affected farmers. The primary data were collected using structured questionnaire, interview and documented contents. Descriptive statistics was used for data analysis. Findings of the study show subnational authorities contribute in providing farmers with drought-resistant crop varieties, agroforestry and reforestation to tackle persistent drought, CSA, and sustainable water resource management. It also identified challenges in improving drought-resilience among farming communities such as limited access to climate education, law violations, unsustainable farming practices and extreme poverty. This study concludes that subnational authorities (state and LGAs) are essential in translating global climate commitments made under the COP30 process into practical actions that directly benefit drought-affected farmers. Therefore, it recommended for both national and subnational authorities should provide more adequate funding, institutional capacity building, stakeholder collaborations, and continuous monitoring to ensure that COP30 decisions produce tangible and lasting benefits for vulnerable farming communities in Katsina State.

COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS OF WTO AGREEMENT ON AGRICULTURE AND FOOD PRODUCTION IN NIGERIA

Mohammed Mahmoud Hassan — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Agriculture (AoA), since its entry into force in 1995, has fundamentally reshaped the rules governing global agricultural trade, with far-reaching implications for food production in developing economies such as Nigeria. Despite Nigeria's status as a founding WTO member, the net welfare effects of the AoA's core pillars, market access, domestic support, and export competition, on the country's agricultural sector remain a subject of considerable policy debate. This study undertakes a cost-benefit analysis of the WTO Agreement on Agriculture and its consequences for food production in Nigeria. The research is anchored on the theory of comparative advantage and structuralist trade theory. A mixed-methods design was adopted, combining structured questionnaires with key informant interviews. From a population of 1,500 farmers, agro-exporters, and trade policy stakeholders, 350 respondents were selected through stratified random sampling, yielding 320 valid questionnaires alongside eight key informant interviews. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and chi-square testing in SPSS version 25, while qualitative responses were subjected to thematic analysis. Findings revealed that respondents perceived limited benefits from improved market access and technology transfer, although export crop diversification and foreign exchange earnings recorded modest gains, while strongly affirming that import surges, unequal subsidy regimes among developed economies, and constrained domestic support capacity had undermined local food production. The chi-square analysis confirmed a statistically significant relationship between WTO Agreement on agriculture provisions and food production outcomes in Nigeria. The study concludes that the costs of AoA implementation currently outweigh its benefits for Nigerian agriculture and recommends renegotiated special and differential treatment, enhanced domestic support, and strengthened agricultural infrastructure.

INSECURITY AND WOMEN’S COPING STRATEGIES IN SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN ZAMFARA STATE, NIGERIA

RABIU GARBA — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The study examines insecurity and women’s coping strategies in selected communities in Zamfara State, Nigeria. The study is anchored on coping strategy theory developed by Lazarus and Folkman (1984), which explains how individuals and households develop adaptive mechanisms to survive stressful and adverse conditions. A quantitative research design was adopted, and data were collected through questionnaire administered to 504 women selected using a multistage sampling technique. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, using frequencies and percentages. The findings revealed that women employ several coping strategies, including petty trading, participation in cooperative societies, agricultural activities, casual labour, borrowing from relatives and friends, and reduction in household expenditure. The study further found that insecurity has significantly reduced women's income-generating opportunities and increased household vulnerability. Despite these challenges, women continue to demonstrate resilience through various survival mechanisms. The study recommends the implementation of gender-sensitive poverty alleviation programmes, improved security measures, and enhanced access to financial and entrepreneurial support for women in conflict-affected communities.

ILLEGAL MINING AND THE ESCALATION OF INSECURITY IN ZAMFARA STATE AND ITS NEIGHBOURING STATES, NIGERIA

Sanusi Sama’ila Moyi, Prof. D. O. Alabi , Prof. B. E. Bature — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Illegal mining has emerged as one of the major drivers of insecurity in Nigeria’s North-West region, particularly in Zamfara State and its neighbouring states. Although the state possesses abundant deposits of gold and other strategic minerals, weak regulation, porous borders, poor governance, unemployment, and organized criminal networks have transformed the mining sector into a source of violent conflict. This paper examines the nexus between illegal mining and insecurity in Zamfara State, focusing on how artisanal and unregulated mining activities contribute to banditry, kidnapping, arms proliferation, forced labour, environmental degradation, and economic instability. Using qualitative analysis based on interviews, government reports, media investigations, and secondary literature, the study finds that armed groups and bandit networks increasingly control mining sites and exploit mineral resources to finance violent activities. The paper further reveals that illegal gold trade across transnational routes extending to the Niger Republic, Mali, and the United Arab Emirates facilitates money laundering and the procurement of arms. The study also highlights the devastating effects of illegal mining on human security, including food insecurity, displacement, lead poisoning, environmental destruction, and community instability. The paper concludes that the persistence of illegal mining reflects institutional weaknesses and inadequate enforcement mechanisms within Nigeria’s mining governance structure. It recommends strengthening regulatory frameworks, formalizing artisanal mining, improving border security, deploying forest guards and mining marshals, enhancing community awareness, and establishing transparent mineral-tracking systems to curb the financing of insecurity through illegal mining activities.

MEDIA Campaigns and Hepatitis B Awareness in North-West Nigeria: (2019–2023)

Yusuf Adamu — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection remains a major public health concern in Nigeria, with the North-West geopolitical zone bearing one of the highest disease burdens in the country (NAIIS, 2018). Despite increasing government- and donor-funded media activities between 2019 and 2023, public awareness, vaccination uptake, and testing rates in the region remain disappointingly low. This study assessed the effectiveness of these media campaigns on Hepatitis B awareness, knowledge, attitudes, and behavioural outcomes among residents of Kano, Kaduna, and Katsina States.A mixed-methods design was adopted, integrating a quantitative survey of 387 respondents drawn from twelve wards across the three states using a multi-stage sampling technique, with twelve in-depth interviews conducted among health communicators, media producers, and public health officials, as well as a content analysis of thirty campaign materials, including radio jingles, television spots, billboards, and social media posts aired during the study period. The sample size was determined using Yamane's (1967) formula. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and Pearson's correlation in SPSS version 26, while qualitative data were analysed thematically following Braun and Clarke (2006). Findings revealed moderate general awareness (74.1%), with radio (40.9%) and television (25.9%) serving as the dominant information channels. Campaign exposure was strongly correlated with knowledge of transmission routes (r = 0.54, p < 0.001) but only weakly correlated with actual vaccination uptake (r = 0.21, p = 0.013). The study concludes that the effectiveness of media campaigns in North-West Nigeria depends not only on broadcast frequency but also on the strategic alignment of channel, language, source credibility, and community structures.

LITERACY OF INFORMATION, COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY ON EFFECTIVE LOCAL GOVERNMENT PERSONNEL SERVICE DELIVERY IN KUBAU LOCAL GOVERNMENT, KADUNA STATE

Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The 21st century is characterized by rapid advancement in Information and Communication Technology (ICT), which has transformed public administration and service delivery globally. ICT literacy has become a critical competence for public sector personnel to ensure efficiency, transparency, and accountability. In Nigeria, local government as the tier closest to the grassroots is mandated to deliver essential services, yet the effectiveness of these services increasingly depends on personnel capacity to utilize ICT tools for record keeping, planning, budgeting, communication, and citizen engagement. Despite federal and state digitalization efforts, many local government staff in rural areas lacks adequate ICT literacy skills, undermining e-governance initiatives. The study assessed the influence of ICT literacy on effective personnel service delivery in Kubau Local Government Area of Kaduna State. The study was anchored on technology acceptance model and human capital theories. A qualitative research design was adopted using self-administered questionnaires to source data from Kubau LGA personnel. The study population comprised 1,500 personnel, with a sample size of 412 determined using the Israeli formula. The study found that ICT literacy has a significant and positive impact on personnel service delivery in Kubau Local Government Area with (0.000) p-value. The study concludes that digital competence is a major determinant of administrative effectiveness at the grassroots level. It recommends that Kubau Local Government authorities prioritize continuous ICT literacy improvement through regular digital skills training, workshops, and refresher programs to enhance personnel competence, improve efficiency in service delivery, and ensure adaptability to technological advancements in public administration.

ilize ICT tools for record keeping, planning, budgeting, communication, and citizen engagement. Despite federal and state digitalization efforts, many local government staff in rural areas lack adequate ICT literacy skills, undermining e-governance initiatives. The study assessed the influence of ICT literacy on effective personnel service delivery in Kubau Local Government Area of Kaduna State. The study was anchored on Technology Acceptance Model and Human Capital Theory. A qualitative research design was adopted using self-administered questionnaires to source data from Kubau LGA personnel. The study population comprised 1,500 personnel, with a sample size of 412 determined using the Israeli formula. The study found that ICT literacy has a significant and positive impact on personnel service delivery in Kubau Local Government Area with (0.000) p-value. The study concludes that digital competence is a major determinant of administrative effectiveness at the grassroots level. It recommends that Kubau Local Government authorities prioritize continuous ICT literacy improvement through regular digital skills training, workshops, and refresher programs to enhance personnel competence, improve efficiency in service delivery, and ensure adaptability to technological advancements in public administration.

THE INTERFACE OF LANGUAGE AND STREET-LEVEL BUREAUCRACY IN CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF ADMINISTRATIVE COMMUNICATION IN SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS

Hafsat Yahaya Yakasai, Usman Abbo — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study examines the interface between language and street-level bureaucracy in contemporary public administration through a critical discourse analysis of administrative communication in Shakespeare's Hamlet, Macbeth and Henry V. It responds to the limited attention given in public administration scholarship to the linguistic mechanisms through which frontline bureaucrats interpret policies, exercise discretion, frame public problems and engage citizens during policy implementation. The study adopts qualitative document analysis, combining content analysis and critical discourse analysis to interpret Shakespearean dramatic texts as illustrative cases of administrative communication, power, persuasion and crisis framing. The analysis is supported by selected public administration literature on street-level bureaucracy, policy implementation, citizen engagement, motivational language and collaborative governance. Findings reveal four main language mechanisms relevant to street-level bureaucracy: language as a mechanism of power, language as a tool of bureaucratic discretion, language as a driver of policy framing and language as a means of citizen engagement. Hamlet demonstrates how language can expose, conceal and contest authority; Macbeth illustrates the manipulative and agenda-setting capacity of rhetoric; and Henry V shows how directive and motivational language can mobilize actors during crisis. The study contributes to street-level bureaucracy theory by showing that implementation is not only technical or procedural but also discursive. It also contributes to practice by emphasizing the need for frontline public officials to use clear, inclusive, accountable and context-sensitive language when interacting with citizens.

INFLUENCE OF POVERTY ON THE VOTING BEHAVIOUR OF THE ELECTORATE IN KURNA AND DALA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS DURING THE 2023 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

DR. RILWAN ABDULLAHI ALIYU, DR. FATIMA MAHMUD , DR. HAMZA AUWALU, DANLADI ALIYU — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

This study examined the influence of poverty on the voting behaviour of the electorate in Kurna and Dala Local Government Areas during the 2023 Presidential Election in Kano State, Nigeria. The study was motivated by persistent concerns that widespread poverty, unemployment, low income, and limited access to socio-economic opportunities increase voters' vulnerability to electoral inducements and weaken democratic participation. Specifically, the study examined the voting behaviour of the electorate, assessed the influence of poverty on voting behaviour, identified the socio-economic factors associated with poverty that influenced electoral choices, and examined the implications of poverty-induced voting behaviour for democratic governance. The study adopted a survey research design. Primary data were collected through the administration of structured questionnaires to 200 registered voters selected through a multistage sampling technique, while secondary data were obtained from relevant books, peer-reviewed journal articles, government publications, and official reports. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics and presented through frequency tables and simple percentages. The study was anchored on rational choice theory, which explains voting decisions as outcomes of individuals' evaluation of expected costs and benefits. The findings revealed that poverty significantly influenced voting behaviour by increasing voters' susceptibility to vote buying, political patronage, and other forms of electoral inducement. The study further found that unemployment, low income, economic insecurity, and inadequate educational opportunities encouraged many voters to prioritise immediate material benefits over policy issues and candidates' competence. The findings also showed that poverty-induced voting behaviour weakens electoral accountability and undermines democratic governance by promoting transactional politics and reducing the quality of electoral representation. The study concludes that poverty remains an important determinant of voting behaviour among the electorate in Kurna and Dala Local Government Areas. It recommends sustained poverty reduction programmes, employment generation, improved access to education, continuous voter education, and stricter enforcement of electoral laws to reduce vote buying and strengthen democratic governance.

EFFECT OF DRUG ABUSE AND POLITICAL THUGGERY AMONG NIGERIAN YOUTH: A STUDY OF SOME SELECTED LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS OF KANO STATE, NIGERIA

Abdulkadir Baba Abubakar, PhD — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The study examines the nexus between drug abuse and political thuggery among youths in some selected LGAs in Kano State, Nigeria. Kano as one of the most populous states with a pronounced youth bulge, over 65% of the population is under 30years and persistently high youth unemployment, demographic pressure and economic exclusion intersect with political violence. The study is anchored on strain theory. It examines how frustration arising from unmet expectations of education, unemployment and political inclusion predisposes Kano youths to substance abuse and subsequent recruitment as political thugs. The study utilizes survey data from 400 youths, age from 15-35 years from Nasarawa, Fagge, and Ungogo LGAs of Kano State. Findings reveal that tramadol, codeine-based cough syrups and cannabis are the most abused substances, often used to reduce fear, boost aggression and sustain energy during electoral conflicts. In conclusion the government should enact stronger laws against thuggery, and politicians to distance themselves from such groups.The study therefore recommends targeted interventions in the Local Government Areas, skills and entrepreneurship progrmms to close the capability expectation gap.

JOINT OPERATIONS AND COUNTER-BANDITRY OUTCOMES IN KADUNA STATE, NIGERIA: ASSESSING MILITARY AND LOCAL SECURITY COOPERATION

KABIRU ABUBAKAR, P.P IZAH, AHMED BUBA, YAKUBU HARUNA JA’E — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The persistence of banditry in North-western Nigeria has emerged as one of the most significant security challenges confronting the Nigerian state. Kaduna State has remained a major hotspot due to recurring incidents of armed attacks, kidnapping for ransom, cattle rustling, destruction of property, and displacement of communities. In response, the Nigerian military has increasingly collaborated with local security actors, including vigilante groups, hunters, community policing structures, traditional institutions, and local intelligence networks, to combat banditry. This study assesses the effectiveness of military and local security cooperation in counter-banditry operations in Kaduna State between 2019 and 2025. The paper adopts a qualitative approach based on documentary analysis of academic literature, government reports, security publications, and media sources. Guided by Security Governance Theory, the study examines the mechanisms of cooperation, operational outcomes, challenges, prospects of joint operations policy reports, security briefings, scholarly publications, and operational records. Findings reveal that military-local security cooperation has improved intelligence gathering, enhanced rapid response capabilities, facilitated community trust-building, and contributed to the disruption of bandit networks in several local government areas. However, operational effectiveness remains constrained by inadequate logistics, poor coordination, mutual distrust, limited training of local security actors, intelligence leakages, and weak institutional frameworks. The study concludes that while joint operations have yielded measurable gains in reducing bandit activities in some areas, sustainable security requires institutionalized collaboration, enhanced capacity-building, community engagement, and improved governance. The paper recommends strengthening civil-military relations, formalizing local security participation, improving intelligence-sharing mechanisms, and addressing the socio-economic drivers of banditry.

SOCIAL MEDIA DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN POLICY EFFECTIVENESS: AN ASSESSMENT OF NIGERIA’S DIGITAL ENGAGEMENT WITH THE AFRICAN DIASPORA

Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The emergence of digital communication technologies has fundamentally transformed the conduct of diplomacy, enabling states to interact directly with foreign publics and diaspora communities through social media and other online platforms. For Nigeria, whose diaspora population constitutes a significant source of economic, political, and cultural influence, social media diplomacy offers a strategic avenue for advancing foreign policy objectives and strengthening transnational engagement. This article examines the extent to which Nigeria utilizes social media platforms to engage the African diaspora and assesses the implications of such engagement for foreign policy effectiveness. Drawing on soft power theory and network society theory, the study employs a qualitative approach based on documentary analysis of policy documents, diplomatic communications, and contemporary literature on digital diplomacy. The findings suggest that social media platforms have enhanced communication between Nigerian foreign policy institutions and diaspora communities by facilitating information dissemination, public diplomacy, and crisis communication. However, challenges such as institutional fragmentation, inconsistent digital strategies, misinformation, cybersecurity concerns, and inadequate technological capacity continue to constrain the effectiveness of Nigeria’s digital diplomacy efforts. The study concludes that a comprehensive digital diaspora engagement framework is necessary to maximize the potential of social media diplomacy in advancing Nigeria’s international image and foreign policy interests. The study therefore recommends the development of a coordinated national digital diplomacy strategy, strengthened institutional capacity, and enhanced investment in digital infrastructure to improve engagement with diaspora communities and support the achievement of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives in the digital era.

AMERICA’S MIDDLE EAST FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21st CENTURY: A STUDY OF ARAB-ISRAELI CONFLICT (2017-2021)

Buhari, Dayyabu Hadiza, Dr. Sani Sani Ibrahim , Prof. Tukur Abdulqadir — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

The Abraham Accords, signed in 2020 under the Trump administration, marked a significant shift in U.S. Middle East foreign policy by normalising relations between Israel and several Arab states (UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco) while decoupling these agreements from progress on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This study critically evaluates the Accords’ impact on the Arab-Israeli conflict between 2017 and 2021, focusing on regional diplomacy, Palestinian national aspirations, the viability of the two-state solution, and compliance with international law. Anchored in Hegemonic stability theory, the research examines how U.S. transactional diplomacy, unilateral actions (including recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and sovereignty over the Golan Heights), and the “Peace to Prosperity” plan prioritised strategic alliances and Counter-Iran efforts over traditional multilateral frameworks such as UN Security Council Resolution 242. Employing a qualitative instrumental case study design, the study draws on semi-structured elite interviews and extensive document analysis, analysed through thematic methods. Findings reveal substantial short-term gains in trade, security cooperation, and bilateral ties among signatories. However, the Accords marginalised Palestinian aspirations, weakened prospects for a viable two-state solution, and challenged established international norms. While advancing pragmatic hegemonic order, the agreements risk long-term instability by sidelining core conflict drivers. The study offers policy insights for more inclusive approaches to great-power mediation in protracted disputes.

GODFATHERISM AND 2019 ALL PROGRESSIVES CONGRESS (APC) PRIMARY ELECTION CRISES IN ZAMFARA STATE

Shafiu Lawal, Aminu Idris PhD — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Since the attainmentof Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the country has experiencedmilitary rule for nearly three decades. In 1999, Nigeria returned to democratic rule, full of hope and aspirations that the system will guarantee political equality, human rights and rule of law among others. However, one of the challenges that bedeviled the country’s democratic consolidation is political godfatherism that enables the elites to manipulate and disenfranchise citizens, particularly at the party level. In Nigeria, godfatherism has become a political instrument to an extent that having access to political office requires not only votes but a political godfather. Zamfara State is not an exception. Since 1999, political godfathers in the state ensure that the political leadership revolves around few individuals who are perceived to be loyalists to godfathers.The gross violation of APC’s party constitution with regards to the party’s primary election perpetuated by the godfathers of the ruling APC in the state led to the nullifications of the electoral victory and subsequently the loss of all political offices won by the ruling APC in the state. Thus, this study assesses the impact of godfatherism oninternal party politics in Nigeria, using the 2019 Zamfara APC primary election crisis as a case study. The study relies on both primary and secondary sources of data and argues that pollical godfathers in their quest for power have no regard for party constitution and rules guiding the conduct of party primaries. Therefore, the study recommends that, internal democracy must be restored to allow party members enjoy political equality and exercise their franchise

EXECUTIVE DOMINANCE ON LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES IN ZAMFARA STATE’S 5TH ASSEMBLY

Yusuf Sabo Tsafe, Aminu Idris PhD — Mon, 22 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000

Nigeria’s 65 years post-independence journey have been characterized by series of events that shapes and reshapes the country’s political landscape. Notable among these events were civil war,military incursion, and multiple transitions from military to civilian administration. With the return of democracy in 1999, one of the arms of governmentthat was hitherto suspended but revived was the legislative arm of government.Elections into the states and national assemblies were conducted and members were elected to make laws for the nation and their respective states. In Zamfara State, 24 Honourable memberswere elected to represent various constituencies in line with the provisions of section 90of the 1999constitution(as amended) of the federal Republic of Nigeria to make laws for the state. However, available records suggests thatthe Zamfara State5^th house of assembly did not operate with relative autonomy as contained in section 4,5 and 6 of the Nigerian 1999 constitution (as amended) which shared powers among the three independent arms of government.This study dwells on the impact of the dominance of the executive arm of government over the legislative arm which affected the capacityof the legislature to carry out their constitutional mandate of law making, oversight function and representation. The study relying on the primary and secondary sources of data argues that despite the existence principle of checks and balances as enshrined in the Nigeria’s constitution, the state executive arm has rendered the legislature into a mere rubber stamp so much that many people see it as an extension of the executive arm of government. The study recommends the independence of the legislature through reforms of the Nigerians political institutions.